KIM IL
SUNG
LET US REALIZE THE
COUNTRY’S REUNIFICATION INDEPENDENTLY
THROUGH THE UNITED
EFFORT OF THE WHOLE NATION
Talk to the Overseas Compatriots
Who Attended the Third Pan-National Rally
August 19, 1992
I am very pleased to meet you,
overseas compatriots who have attended the
Third Pan-National Rally for Peace and
Reunification of the Country.
I highly praise and warmly
congratulate you on the successful Third
Pan-National Rally. Although no one from the
south has participated in the rally, the
Pan-National Rally was a historical event as
it set up an important milestone in expanding
and developing the national reunification
movement to a higher stage.
You wished me and Comrade Kim
Jong Il long
life in good health, saying that you will
reunify the country in the 1990s at any cost
and have me and Comrade Kim Jong Il in
the square of reunification. I am very
grateful for this.
Reunifying the country is the
supreme national task of our people, one that
brooks no further delay. We must reunify the
country as soon as possible and thereby fulfil the
ardent desire of the whole nation. If the
country is reunified, our people can enjoy a
happy life envious of no one. Although its
territory is not large, our country is bounded
by sea on three sides, it has an abundance of
underground resources, and its population is
70 million. This being the situation, if we
develop the economy rapidly in the reunified
country, it will immediately rank among the
developed countries.
To all intents and purposes,
national reunification must be achieved on the
basis of the three principles—independence,
peaceful reunification and great national
unity. I advanced these principles in the
early 1970s; we can reunify the country only
when we rely on these principles.
To win the cause of national
reunification, we should, first of all, hold
fast to the principle of national
independence.
It is impossible to reunify the
country if we depend on foreign forces. At the
moment some countries support the
reunification of our country in words, but in
actual fact they do not want our country to be
reunified. They can do anything as they please
in our country only when it is divided, so
they prefer division, though not overtly, to
the reunification of our country. Therefore,
we should not attempt to reunify the country
with the help of others.
As our experience shows, it is very
important to solve every problem arising in
the revolution and construction independently
and in one’s own fashion. Over the past years
we waged the war against US
imperialism in our own way and also carried
out socialist construction in our own way.
During the Fatherland Liberation
War, those who had returned from the Soviet
Union insisted on Soviet tactics of warfare
and those from China
advocated Chinese tactics. I told them that we
must fight the enemy with the Korean-style
tactics, not Soviet-style or Chinese-style.
The Soviet tactics of retreating, giving up a
large territory, and counterattacking—the
tactics created during the Second World
War—did not suit the conditions in our
country, with its small territory. If we had
retreated in the wrong way in the condition of
our country, we could have lost the whole
territory to the enemy. The Chinese style of
tactics was a mobile one, fighting always on
the move; it did not suit our country, either.
So I made up my mind to fight the enemy by
drawing on the Juche-orientated tactics suited
to the actual situation of our country and,
objecting to the insistence of the great-power
worshippers and dogmatists, put forward the
slogan “Don’t yield even an inch of land to
the enemy.” In those days I told the
commanding personnel of the People’s Army to
fight as much as possible mountain warfare to
suit the terrain of our country, saying that
at meals the Soviet people use forks, Chinese
people chopsticks and Korean people spoons,
and likewise we should fight the enemy in our
own fashion. The commanding personnel fully
supported my tactics, saying it was quite
reasonable.
In the days of the war, dogmatists
bought quite a number of direct-firing guns
from the Soviet Union,
but they were not put into effective use.
Howitzers were more necessary than
direct-firing guns in our mountainous country.
We could annihilate the enemy beyond the
mountains only with howitzers.
Our victory won in the war is
ascribable to the fact that we thoroughly
opposed worship of great powers and dogmatism
and fought with Juche-orientated tactics
suited to the actual conditions of our
country.
In the
postwar days, too, we built socialism by our
own efforts in accordance with the conditions
of our country and without relying on others.
At one point modern revisionists brought
pressure to bear upon us that we enter the
Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA),
but we did not, saying that we would live our
own way. We have been quite right to have
solved all problems arising in socialist
construction by our own efforts with the
revolutionary spirit of self-reliance and
fortitude and without entering the CMEA. In
recent years socialism has collapsed in the
erstwhile Soviet Union
and East European countries, but it is winning
victory after victory in our country without
the slightest vacillation. It is just because
we have built socialism in our own way without
depending on others. Had it depended on
another country like the former socialist
countries in Eastern
Europe, our country would
already have been ruined.
When I
met some days ago the south Korean people who
were on their visit to Pyongyang, I told them
that we always solve all problems arising in
the revolution and construction in our own way
as required by the Juche idea.
Foreigners, too, recognize that we
were right to have solved these problems by
our own efforts as suited to the actual
conditions of our country, holding aloft the
banner of the Juche idea.
An American, who had been the US ambassador
to Japan,
once wrote an article on our country. He had
studied our country for a long time. He wrote:
President Kim Il Sung of north Korea
waged a struggle under the banner of
independence from his first days of
revolution; during the Korean war in the
early 1950s he solved all problems
independently and in his own way; therefore it
is useless to try to infuse any idea into
north Korea; the south Korean authorities are
clamouring for
“reunification through absorbing the north”,
but they might possibly be absorbed by the
north.
We
should thoroughly reject dependence on foreign
forces and realize national reunification
through our own efforts by maintaining the
stand of national independence.
The basic guarantee for the
self-determined and peaceful realization of
national reunification is to achieve the great
unity of the whole nation. Unity is the
fundamental factor in all victories. If all
Korean people in the north, south and abroad
wage struggle, firmly united under the banner
of great national unity, they will be able to
realize national reunification in the 1990s by
overcoming the present difficult situation.
In the course of leading the
revolution and construction I have at all
times given primary effort to achieving
national unity. For nearly 70 years—from the
day when I started revolutionary activities
after organizing the Down- with-Imperialism
Union in Huadian until
today—I have done my best to realize the
national united front and promoted the
revolution and construction successfully by
relying on the united effort of the nation.
In the period of revolutionary
struggle to defeat Japanese imperialism and
liberate the country, I put forward the line
of the anti-Japanese national united front and
made a positive effort for its realization.
Soon after organizing the
anti-Japanese guerrilla army I, in command of
its main unit, marched toward southern Manchuria to effect a
united front with Ryang Se
Bong’s unit of the Independence Army. Before
leaving for southern Manchuria, I met my
mother and told her that it was said Ryang Se
Bong was commander of an Independence Army
unit and I would go with my unit to southern Manchuria to form a
united front with him. She said it was a good
idea. To tell the truth, our people, if they
were scattered here and there without
realizing unity, could not defeat the heavily
armed Japanese imperialists. Independence
campaigners who were active abroad in those
days, however, failed to achieve unity for
this or that reason, and were separated from
one another. I decided to form a united front
first with Ryang Se
Bong and on this basis with all the
anti-Japanese forces. In Tonghua I met
him and he gave us an enthusiastic welcome,
an expression of his pleasure at meeting us.
He had been on very intimate terms with my
father. He had taken part in the funeral
ceremony for my father. When I proposed the
issue of the united front to him, he was at
first interested. But, taken in by his staff
officer’s plot to create dissension, he
refused to join hands with us. The staff
officer, a Japanese imperialists’ spy
infiltrated into his unit, drove a wedge into
our united front, telling Ryang Se
Bong that the anti-Japanese guerrilla army was
planning to win the soldiers of the
Independence Army to its side and even one
mistake would result in losing the whole unit.
From his words and behaviour I saw
that he was a spy of Japanese imperialism. But
Ryang Se
Bong, unaware of his true colour,
accepted his words as true. Believing that,
though he declined to join hands with us at
that time, he would without fail join hands
with us some time in the future, I left there
and went to eastern Manchuria
via Liuhe and Mengjiang.
The foundation of the Association
for the Restoration of the Fatherland (ARF)
marked a decisive turn in carrying out the
line of the anti-Japanese national united
front. I founded the ARF, an organized body
of the anti-Japanese national united front, in
Dongjiang in May
1936. I personally drafted its programme, rules
and inaugural declaration. Its inaugural
declaration was made public under the names of
some patriotic figures and mine, and I signed
it under the assumed name of Kim Tong Myong. As I
was still young and my name was not widely
known at that time, it was better for me to
sign under an assumed name.
As the ARF was founded and its programme and
declaration were circulated, many units of the
Independence Army and anti-Japanese
campaigners who had been scattered all around
came to us. The unit of the Independence Army
which had been commanded by Ryang Se
Bong also came after the ARF was founded.
After Ryang’s death,
Kim Hwal Sok had
been commander of the unit and, worshipping
the Kuomintang of Jiang Jie-shi,
he tried to establish contact with it.
Informed of this, the Japanese imperialists
infiltrated their spy into the unit by
disguising him as an envoy of Jiang Jie-shi.
Kim Hwal Sok took
as true the spy’s words that Jiang Jie-shi
would like to meet him and followed him. On
their way they dropped in at a house and slept
there. Awakened, he found that it was a police
station of the Japanese imperialists. The
Japanese imperialists put him to sleep by
giving him a drugged drink and arrested him as
soon as he woke up next morning. So he died an
undeserved death at the hands of the Japanese
imperialists. Choe Yun Gu
succeeded him as commander of the unit and he
came to us with the remaining soldiers.
In the days of the anti-Japanese
armed struggle I also devoted great efforts to
forming a united front with Chondoists. In
those days there lived many believers in Chondoism in the
areas where the anti-Japanese guerrillas were
active. With a view to rallying Chondoists under
the banner of anti-Japanese imperialism, I
conducted active work with the people in the
lower echelon of the Chondoist faith
and at the same time promoted the work of
educating those in the upper echelon and
winning them over. Pak In Jin,
head of Chondoism in South
Hamgyong Province, was in
charge of the Chondoists in Pukchong, Phungsan, Kapsan, Samsu and
other counties of the province. We worked with
him efficiently and admitted him into the ARF.
We then rallied many Chondoists under
his influence into an anti-Japanese force. Not
only in South
Hamgyong Province, but also
in Pyoktong, Changsong and Uiju in North
Phyongan Province there
were many Chondoist
believers. We inspired them to rise up in the
anti-Japanese struggle, joining hands with us.
Nearly all the believers in the Chondoist faith,
except those in Choe Rin’s
faction, joined hands with us in the days of
Japanese imperialist colonial rule. Choe Rin
claimed that the independence of Korea should
be achieved by gaining autonomy with the
assent of Japan.
It was preposterous. Pak In Jin
and other Chondoists of
conscience opposed Choe’s
“theory of independence”, saying that it was
absurd, and gave active support to our armed
struggle. Pak’s wife is still alive and she
would be 93 years old this year. I once met
the bereaved families of the anti-Japanese
revolutionary martyrs; she was among them. She
looked healthy for her age.
We could enjoy active support and
encouragement from the broad sections of the
masses in the days of the anti-Japanese armed
struggle because we efficiently conducted
united front work with people from all walks
of life. They sent our guerrilla army food,
clothing and many other goods, despite enemy
oppression and surveillance. In those days it
was not easy to aid the guerrillas. The
Japanese imperialists built internment
villages in the areas on the Tuman River and other
places where the anti-Japanese guerrillas were
active so as to prevent the people from aiding
guerrillas. They forced peasants to report to
them the crop yield every year and even
confirmed it themselves, walking around fields
carrying swords at their waists. But still the
peasants sent provisions to the guerrillas
behind their backs. They collected creepers
from potato fields in autumn to make it look
like they had harvested potatoes and told the
guerrillas about it so that they could dig out
potatoes. And they picked maize unhulled and
kept it in store built in the mountains so
that the guerrillas could carry it away. In
case we failed to dig all the potatoes in
those fields, we would leave them as they were
and dig up frozen potatoes the next spring.
We could liberate the country as we
rallied all the anti-Japanese patriotic forces
under the banner of the national united front
and fought against Japanese imperialism
enjoying active support and encouragement from
the broad sections of the masses.
After liberation I continued to
channel great efforts to realize national
unity.
At the speech I made at the rally
held to congratulate my triumphal return
after liberation, I,
illuminating the road for the country to
take, called on all people, who love their
country, nation and democracy, to unite as one
and make an active contribution to the
building of the country—those with strength
dedicating their strength, those with
knowledge contributing their knowledge and
those with money donating money. I promoted
the building of a new democratic country by
relying on the united effort of the people of
all strata.
Along
with this, I met with many personages, from
all walks of life in south Korea,
to prevent the country and nation from being
divided and to reunify the country. After
liberation Ryo Un Hyong, Ho
Hon and many other figures visited us from south Korea.
Ryo Un Hyong made
great efforts to reunify the country before
being assassinated by the enemy. He was the
first to send me a letter from south Korea
immediately after liberation. He visited Pyongyang on several
occasions, and on one of those visits he said
he would send his children to me and asked me
to bring them up if it was not troublesome
for me as he did not know what would happen to
him on his return to south Korea.
I said it would not be burdensome as his
children were all grown up and advised him to
send them to me. It seemed he predicted that
something fateful would happen to him in south Korea.
It was fortunate for him to have sent his two
daughters to me. It is quite clear what would
have happened to them if they had not come to
me. Assassinated by the enemy, he failed to
participate in the north-south joint
conference.
The
Joint Conference of the Representatives of the
Political Parties and Social Organizations in
North and South
Korea was held in Pyongyang
in April 1948, a pan-national meeting in which
the representatives of the north and south
gathered in one place for the first time after
liberation and discussed measures to save the
nation. Thanks to our active efforts, many
representatives from south Korea
took part in this conference. Representatives
of nearly all political parties and public
organizations in south Korea,
except the political party of Syngman Rhee,
attended this meeting, and among them were Kim
Ku and Kim Kyu Sik. You
must have learned this on your visit to the Ssuksom
Revolutionary Historical Site where the United Front Tower is standing;
after the joint conference ended I took Kim Ku
and other figures from south Korea
to Ssuk Islet
and discussed with them the direction of
future activities. That day I stressed once
again the important matters discussed in the
joint conference, including the matter of
waging an active struggle to achieve national
unity on their return to south Korea
and the matter of checking and frustrating
the “separate election” of Syngman Rhee. In
defiance of objections from the whole nation,
Syngman Rhee
effected the “separate election” by force at
the instigation of the US
imperialists.
Although he was elected “president”
with backing from foreign forces, he did not
enjoy support from the people. During the
“presidential” elections held in 1956, Jo
Pong Am, leader of the Progressive Party, ran
against Syngman Rhee. He
obtained a few less votes than his opponent.
At the first stage many more people cast their
vote for him, but Syngman Rhee
garnered a mass vote through deceptive and
fraudulent means, thereby beating Jo by a
small margin. If the “presidential” elections
had been conducted in a fair way, Jo Pong Am
would probably have been elected “president”.
In view of many people having voted for him,
it seems the Progressive Party enjoyed a great
influence in south Korea.
Jo Pong Am had originally been on intimate
terms with Pak Hon Yong; as he broke up with
him later, he became “Minister of Agriculture
and Forestry” in the puppet government of Syngman Rhee.
Because he conducted progressive
activities, Syngman Rhee
arrested him and executed him on the false
charge of maintaining contact with the north.
Syngman Rhee
arrested and executed all people who looked to
be sympathizing with the north or keeping
contact with it.
We achieved much success in the
work of the national united front for national
reunification until 1948, but afterwards no
advance worth mentioning was made in this
work. Meanwhile, we have made every possible
effort to realize the great unity of the
nation. For this purpose I have written many
works and made many speeches. You, too, have
made positive efforts for it in foreign lands.
Nevertheless, the complete unity of our nation
has not yet been achieved and the national
division is continuing because of the
separatist manoeuvres and fascist oppression committed
by the US
imperialists and their south Korean puppets.
We insist on independence,
democracy and national reunification, while
the south Korean puppets are following the
road of subordination, fascism and division.
Antagonism and struggle between the north and
south is, in the final analysis, that between
patriot and traitor, between the democratic
force and the fascist force and between the
reunification force and the separatist force.
The south Korean
authorities have put south Korea
entirely under the subjugation of the United States.
The US and south Korean
authorities are claiming that south Korea
is an “independent state”. But how can one
call south Korea,
which moves under the baton of the United States
without exercising sovereignty and
independence, an independent state? The south Korean
people, too, are of the opinion that south Korea
is a complete colony of the United States
and their “president” a puppet. As long as south Korea
is under the subjugation of the United States,
its next “president” will have no choice but
to play a puppet, with the US
pulling the strings. How pitiable it is that
the south Korean
authorities are acting under the baton of the
US
with no opinion of their own!
The south Korean authorities are opposed to
making the society democratic and are
attempting to maintain their “power” by
resorting to fascist violence. In south Korea, the “National Security Law”
and other evil fascist laws still remain in
force and the south Korean authorities are
oppressing patriotic people, including youth
and students, by invoking the “National
Security Law”.
Opposed
to national reunification, they are actively
following the US
scheme to create “two Koreas”.
In view of their present conduct, it is clear
that they are attempting to divide our country
into two for ever. They think that they can
crack down on the democratic movement in a
fascist fashion and remain in power with the
support of the US
only when the country is divided.
They
are dead set against compatriots from the
north, south and abroad meeting together to
talk about reunification. That the
representatives from the south side failed to
attend the Pan-National Rally this time is
ascribable to the south Korean
authorities’ fascist oppression. They
mobilized tens of thousands of police and
suppressed by force of arms the south-side
representatives who were trying to go to the
north to participate in this rally.
Nowadays they do not make any
positive response to our proposals to hold a
north-south joint conference and political
consultative conference.
Recently
the man in power in south Korea
proposed holding “summit talks” to us. I
replied: I do not object to such talks; if you
want to meet me, bring with you new proposals
for reunification; we have already put forward
the proposal of reunifying the country through
confederation and, if you have a proposal
better than that, bring it with you; if you
have no fresh proposal, you can agree with our
proposal of reunifying the country through
confederation; if the north-south summit talks
are held, we should discuss any idea for
reunification and it would be meaningless if
we only sit face to face, drinking tea or
eating noodles before parting. However, he has
neither advanced any proposal for
reunification nor supported our proposal. I
was informed that he holds “summit talks”
frequently on his visits to foreign countries,
probably not for the benefit of the country
and nation but to sell them.
It
seems that the south Korean
authorities do not agree with our proposal to
reunify the country through confederation
because the US
has not permitted them. The United States
does not want our country’s reunification. It
is desperately attempting to divide our
country into two and demolish our socialist
system by instigating the south Korean
puppets. Being aware that their attempt to
“reunify the country by absorbing the north”
is impossible to be carried out, the enemy is
now resorting to the tactics of isolating and
suffocating us. The “policy towards the North”
advocated by the south Korean authorities is
aimed at creating “two Koreas” and ostracizing
us internationally, and the great fuss raised
by the United States on the alleged “nuclear
issue” is, in the final analysis, aimed at
crushing our Republic. Recently the United States
picked a quarrel with us on the issue of
nuclear inspection; when we insisted on
inspecting the US
nuclear bases in south Korea
simultaneously, it was dumbfounded. To be
candid, as we have already been inspected by
the International Atomic Energy Agency, the US nuclear
bases in south Korea
should now be inspected on the basis of
impartiality. But, the United States,
together with the south Korean
authorities, has raised the issue of an
“inspection of the same number of sites”. This
is quite preposterous.
The United States
is attempting to create “two Koreas”
and demolish our socialist system, but it is a
wild daydream. Ours is a homogeneous nation
with a long history and culture, and no one
will ever divide it into two for ever. To
mention our socialism, it is fundamentally
different from that of the erstwhile Soviet Union and East
European countries. Our socialism is centred on the
popular masses. No matter how the US
imperialists would manoeuvre to
stifle us, our socialism will never collapse.
Over the past 50 years we have
lived under the pressure and blockade of
imperialists. This is why our people do not
feel surprised or frightened when the US
imperialists threaten and blackmail them with
something like “economic sanctions”. Although
socialism has collapsed in the former Soviet Union and East
European countries, it does not mean we
cannot live on.
We have food to eat, clothes to
wear and the best socialist system in the
world. Our people do not lead a particularly
luxurious life when compared to others, but
they enjoy a happy life free from worry about
food, clothing, housing, medical treatment and
education.
Our
Party is now making efforts to fulfil our
people’s centuries-old desire to live on rice
and meat soup and in silk clothing and in
tile-roofed houses. We are yet to provide our
people with enough meat, but we are going to
solve this problem.
If we
carry out the Party’s agriculture-first policy
and increase grain production, we can solve
the meat problem; and if we bring about a
revolution in light industry, we can produce
commodity goods in adequate amounts. Then our
people will be better-off than now and the
advantages of our style of socialism will be
demonstrated on a higher plane.
Peoples
from many countries are now visiting our
country, saying that the Korean style of
socialism is the best. Last April alone many
delegations, delegates and progressive figures
from many countries visited our country to
celebrate my 80th birthday. After seeing the
realities of our country, they said that, if
socialism is to be built, it should be built
in the Korean style. At that time, scores of
parties including communist parties and
workers’ parties adopted in Pyongyang
a declaration for safeguarding and advancing
the cause of socialism, and signed it. The
Pyongyang Declaration, a common fighting programme of
revolutionary parties and progressive peoples
of the world that aspire after socialism, is
demonstrating its viability and correctness
ever more graphically as the days go by. Only
a few months have passed since the Pyongyang
Declaration was adopted and made public, but
the number of parties that signed it has now
reached 131. This shows that socialism is
still alive in the hearts of the people.
Although socialism is experiencing temporary
setbacks, it will certainly be revived and
advance.
Ever-victorious is our style of
socialism which embodies the great Juche idea.
No one can provoke our socialism in which the
leader, the Party and the masses are united
single-heartedly and the whole society moves
as one. The United States thought that our
country would soon go to ruin following the
East European socialist countries, but it has
apparently changed its mind a little recently
on realizing the might of our single-hearted
unity.
If all
the Korean compatriots in the north, south and
abroad unite firmly, they can frustrate the
obstructive manoeuvres of
separatists at home and abroad and achieve
national reunification.
Many
people in south Korea
wish for the unity and reunification of the
nation. Those who pursue national division
number only a few. A few years ago, the Rev. Mun Ik Hwan,
a democratic figure in south Korea,
visited Pyongyang.
When I met him, I asked him who numbered more
in south
Korea—those who want independence, democracy
and national reunification or those who pursue
subordination, fascism and division. He
answered that the former composed the majority
and the latter constituted a handful.
Composing the latter group are only
the small number of those in the ruling
circle, a small section of the military
authorities and some comprador capitalists. A
tiny handful of these separatist forces have
seized power in south Korea
and are suppressing the progressive forces who
aspire for independence, democracy and
national reunification. The antagonism
between these two sets of forces is growing
acuter with the passage of time, and a fierce
struggle is taking place between them. In this
light it is important before anything else to
define clearly, those who want the country’s
reunification and those who pursue national
division. As we sort rice, so we should
discriminate between the reunification and
separatist forces and further expand the
reunification forces.
In order to realize the unity of
the whole nation, we should actively promote
dialogue between compatriots from the north,
south and abroad and frequently organize
meetings and other activities involving the
whole nation.
It would be advisable to hold such
meetings either in the form of a north-south
joint conference or in the form of a joint
conference or political consultative meeting
involving all social sectors. As 40 years have
passed since the last north-south joint
conference, another joint conference, if
organized, would bring about an important turn
in realizing national unity.
The Pan-National Rally should be
held regularly in the future. If the
Pan-National Rally is to be a rally for
realizing the great unity of the whole nation,
not only representatives from the north and
abroad but also those from the south should
participate in it. Of course, a Pan-National
Rally with only representatives from the north
and abroad would play a certain role in
realizing national unity, but unless it is
also attended by representatives from the
south, it cannot contribute greatly to that
end. In the Pan-National Rally held this time
a joint resolution was adopted by adding the
documents sent by the south-side
representatives, but making public a joint
resolution agreed upon through documents is of
no special significance. A rally conducted in
this fashion may make a demonstration before
the world but it will not exert a great
influence on the people in south Korea.
If the south-side representatives fail to
attend, the significance and influence of the
rally will grow weak. Only when the
representatives of the north, south and abroad
participate will it become a Pan-National
Rally both in name and in reality. Therefore,
the Pan-National Rally should be organized on
the principle of the representatives from
north, south and abroad taking part in it
without fail.
If it
is difficult to hold in the north a
Pan-National Rally attended also by the
south-side representatives, it could be held
in a country such as Japan.
It will be alright if the south-side
representatives do not at first participate in
the rally in great numbers. It would be good
to allow 20 to 50 people from the south to
attend at the beginning and then increase
their number gradually. I think it would be
best to hold the rally in a foreign country
with the participation of a small number of
representatives from the south and then move
the venue of the rally to Pyongyang
or Seoul,
increasing the number of participants from
the south side.
Korean
compatriots in the north, south and abroad
should firmly unite as one, transcending the
differences in their positions, party
affiliation, ideas, political views and
religious belief.
I believe that you, our overseas
compatriots, will wage an unremitting struggle
to realize great national unity and so make a
positive contribution to the fulfilment of the
sacred cause of national reunification.
You
have made a determination to fight strenuously
to realize great national unity. It is good.
Please visit your homeland
frequently in the future.