Songun-Tag 25.8. - Befreiungstag 15.8.: wichtige Jubiläen Koreas im August

Im August feiert das koreanische Volk zwei wichtige Jubiläen seiner revolutionären Geschichte: den Songun-Tag (25. August) und den Befreiungstag (15. August).

** Der Songun-Tag bezieht sich auf den 25. August Juche 49 (1960), als der Führer Kim Jong Il seine revolutionäre Songun-Führung begann. An diesem historischen Tag besuchte er zusammen mit dem Präsidenten Kim Il Sung die 105. Garde-Panzerdivision Seoul Ryu Kyong Su der Koreanischen Volksarmee (KVA).
Diese Division wurde im August Juche 37 (1948) auf Initiative des Präsidenten Kim Il Sung gegründet. Sie spielte im Vaterländischen Befreiungskrieg (1950-1953) eine heldenhafte Vorhutrolle, denn sie bildete die Spitze der Panzerverbände der KVA, die am 28. Juni Juche 39 (1950) Seoul befreiten.
Songun-Führung heisst: den militärischen Angelegenheiten beim Aufbau und der Verteidigung des Sozialismus den Vorrang einzuräumen und die KVA dabei als Avantgarde zu betrachten.
Von jenen August-Tagen vor 54 Jahren bis an sein Lebensende besuchte der Führer Kim Jong Il regelmässig Armeeeinheiten in allen Teilen des Landes und legte damit den Grundstein der Songun-Politik als der eigenständigen Politikmethode im sozialistischen Korea.
Dank der revolutionären Songun-Führung des Generalissimus Kim Jong Il entwickelte sich die Demokratische Volksrepublik Korea (DVRK) zu einer starken und unbesiegbaren politisch-ideologischen, militärischen und ökonomischen sozialistischen Grossmacht, die alle Kriegsprovokationen der USA-Imperialisten siegreich zerschlug und damit den Frieden auf der koreanischen Halbinsel zuverlässig schützte und verteidigte.
Seit dem Ableben des Führers Kim Jong Il setzt Marschall Kim Jong Un die revolutionäre Songun-Führung fort. Am Neujahrstag Juche 101 (2012) besuchte er ebenfalls die ruhmreiche 105. Garde-Panzerdivision Seoul Ryu Kyong Su der KVA.
Unter seiner Führung wurde der 25. August zum Songun-Tag erklärt und als Feiertag institutionalisiert, der in jedem Jahr gefeiert wird.

** Der andere grosse Festtag im August ist der Befreiungstag am 15. August. An diesem historischen Datum feiert das koreanische Volk in jedem Jahr den Jahrestag der Befreiung Koreas von der brutalen Kolonialherrschaft des japanischen Imperialismus und die Wiedergeburt des Vaterlandes am 15. August Juche 34 (1945).
An diesem Tag vollendete die Koreanische Revolutionäre Volksarmee (KRVA) - die heutige KVA - unter dem Oberkommando von Generalissimus Kim Il Sung die nationale Befreiung.
Unterstützt von bewaffneten Volksaufständen und Partisanenaktionen gegen die japanischen Imperialisten, befreite die KRVA in nur einer Woche die ganze nördliche Hälfte Koreas bis zum 38. Breitengrad.
Das koreanische Volk bejubelte seinen grossen Führer Kim Il Sung als den vom Himmel gesandten grössten Befreier und Nationalhelden.
Die Befreiung Koreas war für alle damals noch immer vom Kolonialismus imperialistischer Mächte unterdrückten Völker Asiens - so etwa für die Vietnamesen, Laoten und Kambodschaner, die Inder, die Burmesen, die Indonesier und die Malaien - das leuchtende Fanal für ihre eigene Befreiung.
Präsident Kim Il Sung wird seither als der grosse Vorkämpfer und Pionier der globalen Unabhängigkeit verehrt. Die von ihm begründeten revolutionären Ideen - die Juche-Ideologie und die Songun-Idee - verbreiteten sich darauf in Windeseile in ganz Asien, Afrika und Lateinamerika und gewannen bald auch Anhänger auf der ganzen Welt.
Die beiden August-Jubiläen mobilisieren das koreanische Volk zur Verstärkung seines gerechten Kampfes für die nationale Wiedervereinigung.

LET US ACHIEVE THE GREAT UNITY OF OUR NATION

KIM IL SUNG

LET US ACHIEVE THE GREAT UNITY OF OUR NATION

Talk to the Senior Officials of the Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of the Fatherland and

the Members of the North Side’s Headquarters of the Pan-National Alliance for the Country’s Reunification

August 1, 1991

The Pan-National Rally for the Peace and Reunification of the Fatherland was held last year on the occasion of the 45th anniversary of national liberation, and this year the second Pan-National Rally is to be held on August 15, too. I think it is a good thing that the Pan-National Rally and the various joint national festivals for reunifica­tion are held on the memorable occasion of the anniversary of national liberation. We must work hard to make the forthcoming events a success and a major occasion for achieving great national unity and hastening the reunification of the country.

Achieving the reunification of our country means linking the nation’s severed blood vessels, bringing about national harmony and gaining national independence across the country. In other words, it concerns the fate of our fellow-countrymen; it is a matter vital to our nation.

As is well known, our country was divided not because of contra­dictions within our nation; its division was imposed upon it exclu­sively by foreign forces. After the end of the Second World War the Korean question was dealt with to suit the interests of the great pow­ers, contrary to our nation’s desire and will to be independent, and the United States occupied south Korea. As a result, Korea was divided into north and south. It is because of continued interference and obstruction by foreign forces that Korea has not yet achieved her reunification.

In the half a century since our country was divided not a day has passed without our nation’s misfortunes and sufferings weighing on my mind, and without my thinking how the country can be reunified. We must not leave the task of national reunification to the younger generation. We must reunify the country in our lifetime. National reunification is the supreme desire of the Korean people and there is no more pressing task for them than to reunify their country.

The reunification of our country must be achieved independently and in a peaceful way, and this calls on us to achieve the great unity of the whole nation. The realization of the independent and peaceful reunification of the country is inconceivable without great national unity. Great national unity is a fundamental precondition for the achievement of the independent and peaceful reunification of our country, as well as the most essential aspect of it. The first and fore­most task in achieving national reunification is to achieve the great unity of our nation.

Whatever movement we may join, we can emerge victorious only when we strengthen the driving force and increase its role. This is an essential revolutionary truth which has been our philosophy and faith throughout the long revolutionary struggle.

The driving force for national reunification is the entire Korean nation. The reunification of the country is our nation’s cause of inde­pendence, and it can be achieved by the efforts of our nation alone. Every Korean person is responsible for national reunification and must bear his or her responsibility and play his or her allotted role in the struggle to reunify the country. If our nation, as the driving force for national reunification, is to fulfil its responsibility and role, it must be united firmly as one. The strength of the driving force is precisely the strength of its unity. The decisive guarantee for the independent and peaceful reunification of the country lies in the achievement of the unity of the whole nation and in strengthening the driving force for reunification.

All the Korean people must unite closely under the banner of great national unity, in the spirit of patriotism and national indepen­dence.

A nation is a solid community which has been formed and devel­oped historically, and it is a unit of social life. Historically, people have lived with their country and nation as a unit and have shaped their destiny through a combined effort. The question of a nation essentially means the question of achieving and defending its inde­pendence. Independence is the lifeblood of the people as well as of their country and nation. If a man is deprived of his independence, he is as good as dead; likewise, if a nation is deprived of its indepen­dence, its existence and development is inconceivable.

It is only when the independence of a country and a nation is achieved that the independence of individuals can be realized; no one can escape the fate of slavery if his country and nation is enslaved, for the life of an individual as a member of the nation exists in the life of his or her country and nation. It is precisely for this reason that, although a nation consists of different classes and strata, people love their country, value their nation’s independence and fight in unity for the independence of their country and nation. People love their fatherland and value the independence of their nation. These feelings are common to every member of a nation.

Originally, nationalism came about as a progressive idea promot­ing national interests. Under the banner of nationalism, the newly-emergent bourgeoisie took the lead in the nationalist movement, yet nationalism could not be regarded as an ideology of the capitalist class from the outset. During the period of the bourgeois nationalist movement against feudalism the interests of the popular masses were basically identical with those of the newly-emergent bour­geoisie and, accordingly, nationalism reflected the common interests of the nation. Subsequently, as capitalism developed and the bour­geoisie became the reactionary ruling class, nationalism was reduced to the ideological means for the capitalist class to defend its inter­ests. Bourgeois nationalism conflicts with genuine nationalism which truly promotes the interests of the nation. For idlers, who may be called the parasites of the nation, to pose as nationalists is nothing but a deception. Only he who does some work, mental or physical, which is beneficial to the nation, can be a genuine nationalist.

In our country, the land of a homogeneous nation, genuine nationalism means precisely patriotism. Our nation, which has inher­ited the same blood generation after generation and built up a bril­liant national culture with the same language on the same territory, is a nation with a strong spirit of patriotism and independence. Our people have always loved their fatherland ardently and fought strongly to defend the independence of their country and nation. This is a proud tradition of our nation.

My father put forward the idea of Jiwon (aim high—Tr.) and educated me in patriotism and in the spirit of national independence. So I set out on the road of struggle with a resolution to dedicate my whole life to saving the country and nation. My revolutionary activi­ties began with the struggle for national liberation and in the course of the struggle to establish the identity of the nation, the identity of the revolution, I have evolved the Juche idea, the guiding idea of our revolution. I have been fighting all my life for the independence, sovereignty and prosperity of our nation, for the independence of the masses of the people. I am fighting for the independence not only of our people but also of people throughout the world, and for the abo­lition of exploitation and oppression of man by man not only in our country but also throughout the world. Just as it is inconceivable for a person who does not love his parents and brothers to love his coun­try and nation, so it is unthinkable for a person who is indifferent to the destiny of his nation to be loyal to the world revolution. As I always say, only a genuine patriot can be a true internationalist who is loyal to the world revolution. I can say that, in this sense, I am a communist and patriot as well as an internationalist.

At the present stage of historical development, when the destiny of the popular masses is being shaped with the country and nation as the basic unit, the whole nation must firmly establish the identity of the nation and fight in unity for its common interests and prosperity. We must not only achieve national reunification on the basis of great national unity but also, after the country is reunified, build an ideal society by relying on the united efforts of the entire nation so that all the people enjoy equally unbounded happiness on this land.

A nation must regard its independence as its lifeblood, advocate and realize its independence by united effort and achieve its com­mon prosperity. I can say that this is our Juche view on the nation.

We have firmly adhered to the principle of always believing in and relying on the combined strength of the people both in the strug­gle against imperialism and in the struggle for the building of social­ism. We have always given top priority to national interests and relied on the combined strength of the people in the struggle. We can say that this is the secret of the victory we have achieved in the revo­lution and construction.

We emerged victorious from the anti-Japanese revolutionary struggle for national liberation because the guerrillas and the people forged ties of kinship and all the anti-Japanese patriotic forces fought in close unity. During the anti-Japanese revolutionary strug­gle we brought together patriotic people from all walks of life into the anti-Japanese national united front and fought Japanese imperial­ism with the united strength of the nation. The Association for the Restoration of the Fatherland, formed in 1936, was an anti-Japanese national united front comprising broad sections of patriotic people who opposed Japanese imperialism and aspired to national indepen­dence. This association united all the anti-Japanese patriotic forces from all walks of life including communists, nationalists, workers, peasants, intellectuals, young people and students, as well as consci­entious national capitalists and religious men. We established the tradition of national unity in the course of waging the anti-Japanese revolutionary struggle, relying on the broad-based anti-Japanese national united front.

In the struggle to build a new society after national liberation, too, we channelled our efforts firstly into achieving great national unity. In the speech I addressed to the people after national libera­tion, I called upon all the people who loved their country and nation and democracy to unite as one and make a positive contribution to nation-building, those with strength giving their strength, those with knowledge contributing their knowledge and those with money offering their money. We have pushed forward dynamically with the building of a democratic new state and with socialist construction, relying on the combined strength of all the people. Our socialist con­struction aims at enabling all our people to lead happy and worth­while lives in a society free from exploitation and oppression. The socialist society we are building is socialism centred on the popular masses. Socialism centred on the popular masses means a genuine society for the people where all the people are the masters of the country and everything in society serves the popular masses. We need not build socialism which does not serve the popular masses, and we cannot build socialism centred on the popular masses with­out uniting the popular masses.

The aim of the reunification of our nation is to realize the inde­pendence of our nation, to achieve the common development and prosperity of the nation and to ensure that all the Korean people lead happy and worthy lives in one reunified land. It is natural, therefore, that all the people should combine their will and rally as one in the struggle for national reunification, and this is fully possible.

The Joint Conference of the Representatives of Political Parties and Social Organizations of North and South Korea was held in Pyongyang in 1948. We called this conference to discuss the pressing save-the-nation measures and national reunification. The conference was attended by representatives of almost all the political parties and social organizations of south Korea, except Syngman Rhee’s party. Kim Ku, the leader of the “Korean Independence Party”, too, attended the conference. In pre-liberation years when he was in the “Provi­sional Government in Shanghai” Kim Ku had regarded communists as his enemies. But he attended the conference having accepted our just proposal to meet and have a heart-to-heart discussion on impor­tant questions concerning the destiny of the nation as members of the same nation, and he eventually took the road of alliance and coalition with us communists. He had no clear idea of what a gen­uine communist was, but he was a patriot. He made a fine speech at the north-south joint conference and after his return to south Korea he fought for national unity and reunification before being assassi­nated by the Yankees and their stooges. The historic April north-south joint conference served as clear proof that despite differences in ideologies and ideals, political views and religious beliefs all peo­ple can unite in the struggle for the common cause of the nation.

If the whole nation fights in concert, drawing on the traditions and experience of national unity built up in the course of the struggle to realize our nation’s independence, we shall not fail to achieve national reunification, the supreme task of the nation.

The concert and unity of the whole nation means the national reunification we desire. What is most important in national reunifi­cation is not the procedures or methods but the achievement of the genuine harmony and unity of the whole nation. If all Korean people in the north, south and overseas unite their minds and, on this basis, attain great national unity the most important problem in achieving national reunification will have been solved and then other problems can be resolved easily.

In recent years signal progress has been made in our efforts to bring about national unity. Last year, after the August 15 Pan-National Rally, the Pan-National Reunification Concert was held; also the north-south reunification football matches and art festival took place. This year the north and the south formed unified teams and participated jointly in the World Table Tennis Championships and the World Youth Football Championship. This was a result of our people’s desire for reunification that was stronger than ever before and the intensified trend towards national concert and unity. This delighted all the brethren in the north, south and abroad and led them to gain national pride and confidence. If the minds of all our compatriots are united as one, the great unity of the whole nation will be achieved and the country reunified. It is in this sense, I think, that the Rev. Mun Ik Hwan in south Korea said that our nation had been reunified now, that the reunification was in the perfect tense.

It is also for the sake of genuine national concert and reunifica­tion that we have advanced proposals on national reunification through confederation based on one nation, one state, two systems and two governments. Since there exist two different ideologies and systems in the north and south of our country, the confederation for­mula is the only way to achieve national harmony and reunification. In the light of the situation prevailing in our country it is wrong for either side to attempt to attain reunification by conquering the other. An ideology and system should be chosen by the people themselves of their own accord, not through coercion from outsiders. If one side were to try to impose its ideology and system on the other, it would be impossible to realize national reunification; it would rather aggra­vate the confrontation within our nation and cause further national calamity. The ideological and institutional differences within our nation should be gradually overcome not by coercive methods but by strengthening national unity based on the common interests of the nation. The most essential interests of our nation lie in the nation’s reunification free from any foreign domination and interference. In spite of the ideological and institutional differences within our nation we, as a single people, can bring about reunification and work together for the common prosperity of the nation.

Whether they are in the north, south or abroad, whether they are workers, farmers, intellectuals, young people, students, politicians, businessmen, religious men, or soldiers, Koreans must all unite and strive to achieve the reunification of their country, the common cause of the nation. Just as our people did in the days of building a new country, compatriots from all strata in the north, south and abroad must join hands in the cause of national reunification; those who have strength should contribute their strength, those who have knowledge their knowledge and those who have money their money.

The workers, farmers and intellectuals form the major force of the nation. If they cooperate and unite, while maintaining their own characteristics, they can form a mighty, independent driving force of the nation and achieve reunification. Workers and farmers should join hands with intellectuals, while intellectuals should cast in their lot with workers and farmers and thereby fulfil their role as the motive force in the struggle for the country’s reunification. It is unfair to underestimate the role of intellectuals or to adopt a narrow-minded attitude towards them. When founding the Party, we defined intellectuals, along with workers and farmers, as one of its compo­nents. Our Party’s emblem consists of a hammer, a sickle and a writ­ing brush. These symbolize the workers, farmers, and intellectuals who make up our Party. When we began to build a new society immediately after liberation, we did not leave out the intellectuals, arguing that they had served Japanese imperialism. We believed in their patriotism and spirit of national independence and generously brought them to our side. We regarded the intellectuals scattered across the country as the nation’s treasure and searched for them one by one. We positively encouraged them to play an important role in the building of a new country. Our intellectuals trusted and followed our Party and have thrown in their lot with it. They dedicated all their efforts and talents to the building of the new democratic Korea. They also fought courageously in the Fatherland Liberation War against US imperialist aggression, and after the war they worked for socialist revolution and construction.

Today the south Korean intellectuals, too, are fighting well for the reunification of the country. The young people and students of south Korea are ardently patriotic and have a strong spirit of inde­pendence against the US. They are playing a central, leading role in the struggle to make south Korean society independent and demo­cratic and to reunify the nation. The south Korean young people and students who are struggling heroically, dedicating their precious youth without hesitation for independence, democracy and national reunification are the pride of our nation.

In addition to the workers, peasants and intellectuals, there are many people in south Korea from different backgrounds who live in different conditions. We must not neglect them. We must achieve national unity on the principle of welcoming everyone without hesi­tation, who is not a traitor to the nation.

It is very important to have a correct understanding of religions and to work properly with religious believers. People believe in a religion because they take their sufferings and misfortunes in this world as predestined, and they yearn for happiness in the next world. Therefore, we cannot call them bad. What is bad is the anti-popular politics that misleads people about the situation and reactionary rulers who misuse religions, making them an instrument for paralysing the people’s consciousness of independence and ensuring that the people obey their rule. Progressive religious believers wish the people to love one another and live in harmony. The south Kore­an men of religion are opposed to the foreign invaders who keep our nation artificially divided and who suppress the champions of reuni­fication at the point of the bayonet. We must be highly appreciative of the devoted struggle of the south Korean men of religion for national reunification and unite with them.

It is mortifying that in south Korea young people, the sons and daughters of the nation, serve in the “ROK army” under the com­mand of Americans who use it as a tool for their neo-colonialist domination and for the implementation of their policy of keeping our nation divided. We must awaken the officers and men of the “ROK army” to the anti-national and anti-popular nature of the imperialists and their minions so that they stand firmly by their own nation and people and cooperate with their parents and brothers in the struggle for independence, democracy and national reunification.

As I always say, reunification means patriotism and division means treason. Those Koreans who desire national reunification and strive for it are patriots, whereas those who are opposed to reunifica­tion and accept division in league with foreign forces are traitors. By this criterion we must unite with all those who support reunification and advance with them in the same ranks. Even one who may have once been opposed to reunification and have committed crimes against the country and the nation, if he repents of his mistake and takes part in the struggle for patriotism and reunification, must be allowed to start with a clean slate and join hands with us.

There are many people who once led a dishonourable life in the eyes of the nation but have broken with their past and taken the patriotic road of national unity and national reunification. Mr. Choe Tok Sin was one of them. As you all know, he served as a corps commander of the “ROK army” and “foreign minister” in south Korea. While he was pursuing the road of pro-US, anti-communism at important military and political posts, he gradually began to feel disillusioned about the traitorous and anti-reunification acts of the ruling authorities and took refuge in a foreign country with the aim of living an honest life for the nation. While in exile he engaged in patriotic activities for bringing about the independence and democ­racy of south Korean society and reunifying the country. He became clearly aware of which was the patriotic way to follow during many visits to the homeland. He was moved by the fact that our Republic, which is independent, self-sufficient and self-reliant in defence, is displaying the pride and dignity of the Korean nation. He also sym­pathized with our consistent, just policy of embracing and joining hands with all those who love their country and nation, regardless of differences in political views, ideas and religions without asking about their past, and the policy of great national unity. He said he had found a paradise on Earth in the homeland, the land of bliss which he, as a nationalist and Chondoist, had aspired to and sought all his life. With a determination to dedicate the rest of his life to the just cause of the country and the nation, he applied for permanent residence in the homeland. Although he had opposed us in the past, we positively supported his decision and agreed to join hands with him for the sake of great national unity and the reunification of the country since he was resolved to break with the past and make a fresh start for the sake of the country and the nation. After being taken into the embrace of the homeland, he worked with devotion to the last moment of his life as the Chairman of the Central Commit­tee of the Chondoist Chongu Party and the Vice-Chairman of the Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of the Fatherland; he did so for the prosperity and development of the country, for great national unity and for the country’s reunification. He passed away, failing to see the day of national reunification to which he had looked forward. But in his last years he joined the ranks of the national reunification movement and marched forward with his fel­low countrymen. As a result, he came to enjoy immortality as a patriotic martyr who is held in affection by the people, and who helped his compatriots at home and abroad to understand the real meaning of national concert and great unity.

For the realization of great national unity compatriots from all social strata in the north, south and abroad must place their common national interests above all else and subordinate everything to national reunification, transcending differences in ideas, social sys­tems and religious beliefs. We must regard this as a fundamental principle in achieving great national unity and firmly adhere to this principle.

Our national community which has been formed and consolidat­ed over a history of five thousand years is greater than transient dif­ferences in social systems, ideals and ideologies which have come about owing to national division; the common national desire to achieve reunification as a homogeneous nation is incomparably more important than the interests of individual social classes and social strata. Although the defence of the ideals and ideologies of individual classes and strata and the realization of their interests are important, it is even more important to realize the common cause of the nation. Classes and strata form part of the nation. Therefore, no class and no stratum can realize its own interests apart from the common national interests. Only when there is a nation can there be classes, and only when national interests are guaranteed can the interests of the classes be ensured.

Today when the independence of our nation is being trampled upon by foreign forces, no class or stratum, if it belongs to the Korean nation, should hamper the achievement of national reunifi­cation, the common cause of our nation, by putting its interests to the fore. There should be no practice of placing class interests ahead of national interests, or of setting the struggle to satisfy class demands against the struggle for national reunification, swayed by minor interests and prejudices. Moreover, for fellow countrymen to reject or repress one another on the strength of government authority because of differences in political views, isms and assertions or for them to be hostile to one another because of differences in ideas and social systems—these are fun­damentally contrary to the principle of great national unity jointly agreed upon between north and south, and such acts are intolera­ble for the nation. Our people will never be able to achieve their reunification if the two sides reject and are hostile towards each other, putting differences to the fore instead of uniting on their common ground as a single nation.

If the great unity of the nation is to be achieved, contacts and vis­its should be widely encouraged among the fellow countrymen in the north, south and abroad and dialogue be promoted actively among them.

If the whole nation is to act in concert and pool its strength for the common purpose, an atmosphere of understanding and confi­dence should be created within the nation. Because our country has been divided and the north and the south have been alienated from each other for a long time, some people misunderstand their fellow countrymen, believing them to be their enemy, and some people hes­itate to go hand in hand with their fellow countrymen because of a lack of confidence, although they wish to see national unity. In order to remove such misunderstanding and distrust within the nation and realize national concert and unity, it is necessary to encourage free visits, contacts and talks.

What is important in realizing free travel and contact and wide-ranging dialogue is to pull down the barrier of division and remove all political and legal obstacles to it. We have already made propos­als for removing the barrier of division, ensuring free travel and opening all doors between north and south and have been making untiring efforts to realize them. The point in question is that the south Korean authorities should pull down the barrier of division and remove all obstacles that hamper free travel, contact and dia­logue among the fellow countrymen in the north, south and abroad. Today the “National Security Law” of south Korea is a major obsta­cle to free travel, contact and dialogue between north and south. In south Korea those who have been to the north or who have discussed reunification in foreign lands with people from the north are pun­ished under the “National Security Law”. The Rev. Mun Ik Hwan, who is over 70, a young girl student Rim Su Gyong and other visi­tors to the north, as well as a large number of those working for reunification, are currently imprisoned under this law. If this wicked law is not repealed, there can be neither free travel and contact nor free dialogue between north and south. That is why the “National Security Law” must be abolished as soon as possible.

In order to achieve great national unity we must strengthen nationwide solidarity in the struggle for national reunification.

Great national unity cannot be achieved only by words. It can be achieved and consolidated in the course of developing joint action by uniting minds and efforts in the struggle to reunify the country. All political parties, organizations and compatriots from all walks of life in the north, south and abroad must support one another and take concerted action in the struggle for the country’s reunification.

The cardinal task here is to check and frustrate the schemes of the forces which are opposed to reunification and working to keep the nation divided for ever and provoke another war. In order to isolate and weaken these forces and defeat their divisive moves, the compatriots in the north, south and abroad must develop an active joint struggle in various forms. The tens of thousands of US troops and more than 1,000 nuclear weapons of various types deployed in south Korea are the root cause of tension on the Korean peninsula and pose the threat of a nuclear war. We must have the US troops and nuclear weapons withdrawn from south Korea as soon as possible and thus remove the danger of a nuclear war that threatens the exis­tence of our nation; thus we shall provide a firm guarantee for peace on the Korean peninsula. All our compatriots in the north, south and abroad must launch a nationwide struggle to compel the US to with­draw its troops and nuclear weapons from south Korea and make the Korean peninsula a nuclear-free, peace zone.

In order to achieve great national unity all the political parties, organizations and compatriots of all strata in the north, south and abroad that are struggling for the reunification of the country must ally themselves with one another organizationally.

It is only when all our compatriots who adhere to the patriotic cause of reunification are organized into an allied force that solid national unity can be achieved and unity of action and unanimity ensured in the struggle for the country’s reunification.

For the organized unity of the whole nation, there must be an organization that can ensure the voluntary association of our compa­triots of all strata in the north, south and abroad. I believe that the Pan-National Alliance for the Country’s Reunification which was inaugurated in accordance with the decision of the Pan-National Rally last year can be such an organization. The Pan-National Alliance for the Country’s Reunification was formed through the joint efforts of the patriotic organizations and public figures of all strata in the north, south and abroad that aspire to the independent and peaceful reunification of the country. It is a patriotic organiza­tion for reunification, whose mission is to reunify the country on the three principles of independence, peaceful reunification and great national unity, and which represents the common will of Kore­ans in the north, south and overseas. It has the important duty and responsibility of achieving great national unity and hastening the reunification of the country. It will have to work hard, conducting a variety of activities, to expand and strengthen its ranks steadily among our compatriots and to hasten national reunification.

Many obstacles and difficulties still lie in the way of the reunifi­cation of our country, but we are looking forward with confidence to the bright future of national reunification.

Our nation’s move towards reunification is now stronger than ever before. Our compatriots in the north, south and abroad are working hard with a firm determination to reunify the country with­out fail in the 1990s. Nobody can break our people’s will to reunify their country, and no force can ever check our nation’s strong move towards national reunification. Through the united efforts of the whole nation, our people will overcome the obstacles and difficulties in their way to national reunification and reunify their country, come what may.

Once the country is reunified, our nation will be a dignified and strong nation and our country will emerge on the world stage as an independent and sovereign country with more than seventy million people, a brilliant national culture and a powerful economy. Our nation is industrious and resourceful, and our country is a beautiful land of three thousand ri in which it is good to live. When the whole nation is united as one, and when the country is reunified, there will be nothing for us to fear or envy. Our people will proudly display the resourcefulness and greatness of the Korean nation and nobody will dare to encroach upon our sovereignty. If the whole nation com­bines its efforts and talents and develops the economy and culture after the country’s reunification, our country will be more prosper­ous and civilized, and it will make a more effective contribution to the common cause of the people in Asia and the rest of the world for peace and prosperity.

For the Korean people to devote themselves to national reunifica­tion is most honourable and worthwhile. Those who have contribut­ed to the noble cause of national reunification will be held in love and respect by the nation and will be highly appreciated by the reunified nation.

I believe that you comrades, who are at the forefront of the strug­gle for national reunification, will carry out the honourable duty entrusted to you by the country and the nation.

Vor 40 Jahren: KIM JONG ILs Werk über den Kimilsungismus

Der Führer Kim Jong Il publizierte vor genau 40 Jahren, am 2. August Juche 63 (1974), sein klassisches Werk Lasst uns die Umgestaltung der ganzen Gesellschaft getreu dem Kimilsungismus durch die grundlegende Verbesserung der Parteiarbeit beschleunigen.
In diesem Werk nannte er die Umgestaltung der Partei der Arbeit Koreas (PdAK) getreu dem Kimilsungismus als Voraussetzung für die Umgestaltung der ganzen Gesellschaft getreu dem Kimilsungismus.
Genosse Kim Jong Il definierte die Umgestaltung der Partei getreu dem Kimilsungismus als ein grosses und wichtiges Programm für den Parteiaufbau und als Kern des monolithischen ideologischen Systems und des einheitlichen Führungssystems in der Partei.
In diesem Werk formulierte Genosse Kim Jong Il die Songun-Politik als die Politikmethode der PdAK. Er entwickelte die PdAK endgültig zur Juche-Partei und zur Partei Kim Il Sungs, die den Aufbau einer starken sozialistischen Nation garantiert und anleitet.
Marschall Kim Jong Un proklamierte das ganze revolutionäre Lebenswerk, die Ideen und das Führungssystem des Präsidenten Kim Il Sung und des Führers Kim Jong Il zum Kimilsungismus-Kimjongilismus und verkündete die Umgestaltung der ganzen Gesellschaft getreu dessen Prinzipien.
Die gegenwärtige Realität, in welcher der Parteiaufbau unter der Führung des Ersten Sekretärs Kim Jong Un eine höhere Stufe erreicht hat, beweist, dass die Ideen des Führers Kim Jong Il, die im genannten Werk formuliert wurden, die Lebenslinie für den erfolgreichen Juche-orientierten Parteiaufbau der PdAK bilden und dass die Partei immer siegreich bleiben wird, wenn sie diesen Prinzipien folgt.
 

Buch "Der oberste Führer KIM JONG UN im Jahr 2012" erschienen

In diesem Jahr erschien in der Demokratischen Volksrepublik Korea (DVRK) im Pyongyanger Fremdsprachenverlag das Buch Der oberste Führer Kim Jong Un im Jahr 2012.
Das prachtvoll gestaltete Buch auf Hochglanzpapier beschreibt die Aktivitäten des verehrten Marschalls Kim Jong Un in jenem entscheidenden Jahr - darunter Vor-Ort-Anleitungen, Besuche bei Einheiten der Koreanischen Volksarmee (KVA), Besuche bei Bürgern in ihren neu bezogenen Wohnungen, in Kindergärten, Schulen, Erholungsparks usw. wie auch Reden und Abhandlungen, die er hielt und publizierte.
Das Buch ist mit vielen Fotos illustriert.
Der Zweck dieses schön gestalteten Buches ist es, die ausländischen Freunde Koreas und sonstige an Korea interessierte Menschen mit der Persönlichkeit des obersten Führers Kim Jong Un vertraut zu machen.
Es zeigt, dass Marschall Kim Jong Un bereits wenige Wochen und Monate nach dem Ableben des grossen Führers Kim Jong Il die Partei, den Staat und die Armee genau so zu führen und anzuleiten verstand wie die beiden vorhergehenden Führer.
Es zeigt anhand von bewegenden Begebenheiten und Ereignissen, dass Marschall Kim Jong Un tatsächlich mit den beiden grossen Führern Kim Il Sung und Kim Jong Il absolut identisch ist.
Seine Liebe zum Volk und seine väterliche und warmherzige Fürsorge kommen auf bewegende Art zum Ausdruck. Genau gleich wie seine beiden grossen Vorgänger mischt er sich tagtäglich unter das Volk, besucht Arbeiter und Bauern, Wissenschaftler und Techniker, Schüler und Studenten und Soldaten und Offiziere der KVA, spricht warmherzig mit ihnen und kümmert sich persönlich um deren Wohl.
Besonders ergreifend ist die Episode unter dem Titel "Ist Präsident Kim Il Sung ins Leben zurückgekehrt?" im Kapitel "Kim-Jong-Un-Syndrom". So wurde ein Nordkorea-Spezialist aus Südkorea zitiert, der sagte: "Wenn der oberste Führer Kim Jong Un lächelt, hat man das Gefühl, Kim Il Sung im Alter von 33 Jahren zu sehen, als er Nordkorea nach der Niederlage des imperialistischen Japan führte".
Es wird auch geschildert, wie Marschall Kim Jong Un während der Abschiedszeremonie für den verstorbenen Führer Kim Jong Il ungeachtet des heftigen Schneesturms die ungeschützte Hand auf dem Beisetzungswagen hielt, zu Fuss neben diesem herschritt und dabei auch keine Kopfbedeckung zum Schutz gegen den Schnee trug. Deshalb wurde er weltweit voller Bewunderung als ein "bescheidener und einfacher Mann", als integrer, warmherziger, gefühlvoller, emotionaler und würdevoller Mann gepriesen.
Das Buch teilt der ganzen Welt mit, was für ein aussergewöhnlicher, grossartiger und väterlicher Führer der Nation und des Volkes, talentierter Heerführer und Mann von Weisheit, Intelligenz und Weitsicht er ist.
Dieses Buch sollte vor allem von jenen Menschen gelesen werden, die aufgrund der feindlichen Propaganda in den westlichen Medien unkorrekte und falsche Vorstellungen vom sozialistischen Korea haben. Sie müssten nach der Lektüre und dem Betrachten der Fotos ihre Vorurteile revidieren und die DVRK als ein würdevolles, verantwortungsbewusstes und friedliebendes Land respektieren.
Es beweist, dass Marschall Kim Jong Un ungeachtet seiner Jugend - er ist der jüngste Staatsführer der Welt - ein ausserordentlicher Staatsmann und Führer von Partei, Staat und Armee ist.
Liebe Leserinnen und Leser, Sie können das genannte Buch bestellen unter: flph@star-co.net.kp . Informationen finden Sie unter http://www.naenara.com.kp .

THE JUCHE PHILOSOPHY IS AN ORIGINAL REVOLUTIONARY PHILOSOPHY

KIM JONG IL THE JUCHE PHILOSOPHY IS AN ORIGINAL REVOLUTIONARY PHILOSOPHY Discourse Published in Kulloja, Theoretical Magazine of the Central Committee of  the Worker’s Party of Korea July 26, 1996    An opinion has recently been raised that some of our social scientists had expressed a wrong view contrary to our Party’s idea in explaining the Juche philosophy, that this view had been disseminated abroad as well.    These social scientists still attempt to explain the basic principles of the Juche philosophy from the point of view of the general law of the development of the material world, instead of explaining them in the direction of clarifying the law of social movement.  The proponents of this view say that their argument is aimed at proving that the Juche philosophy is a new development also of Marxist materialistic dialectics.  In explaining and propagating the Juche philosophy we do not need to convince people that the Juche philosophy is a new development of Marxist materialistic dialectics. It is true that our Party has not taken a dogmatic approach to Marxist materialistic dialectics but analysed it from the point of view of Juche and has given new explanations to a number of problems.  However, some development of materialism and dialectics does not constitute the basic content of the Juche philosophy.    The Juche philosophy is an original philosophy which has been evolved and systematized with its own principles.  The historic contribution made by the Juche philosophy to the development of philosophical thoughts lies not in its advancement of Marxist materialistic dialectics, but in its clarification of new philosophical principles centred on man.    The Marxist philosophy raised the relationship between material and consciousness, between being and thinking, as the fundamental question of philosophy and proved the primacy of material, the primacy of being and, on this basis, elucidated that the world is made of material and changed and developed by the motion of material. The Juche philosophy has raised the relationship between the world and man, and man’s position and role in the world, as the fundamental question of philosophy, clarified the philosophical principle that man is the master of everything and that he decides everything and, on this basis, illuminated the absolutely correct way of shaping man’s destiny.  The Marxist philosophy raised as its major task the clarification of the essence of the material world and the general law of its motion, whereas the Juche philosophy has raised as its important task the elucidation of man’s essential characteristics and the law of social movement, man’s movement.  Therefore, the Juche philosophy is an original philosophy which is fundamentally different from the preceding philosophy in its task and principles.  That is why we should not understand the Juche philosophy as a philosophy that has developed materialistic dialectics, nor should we attempt to prove the originality and advantages of the Juche philosophy by arguing one way or the other about the essence of the material world and the general law of its motion which were clarified by the Marxist philosophy. You cannot explain the Juche philosophy in the framework of the preceding philosophy because it is a philosophy that has clarified new philosophical principles.  If you attempt to do so, you will not only fail to prove the originality of the Juche philosophy, but instead make it obscure and fail to understand the essence of Juche philosophy correctly.    Having defined the essential qualities of man for the first time in history, the Juche philosophy has held up man as the best qualified and most powerful being in the world and advanced a new idea on the world that the world is dominated and transformed by man.    The new outlook on the world established by the Juche philosophy does not deny the world outlook of dialectical materialism.  The Juche philosophy regards the world outlook of dialectical materialism as its premise.  The Juche view of the world that the world is dominated and transformed by man is inconceivable separately from the materialistic dialectical understanding of the essence of the objective material world and the general law of its motion. From the idealistic view that the world is something mysterious you cannot draw the conclusion that man dominates the world, and from the metaphysical view that the world is immutable you cannot infer that man can transform the world.  The Juche view of the world that the world is dominated and transformed by man can only be established when the materialistic dialectical understanding of the world that the world is made of material and ceaselessly changes and develops is recognized.  In spite of a number of limitations and immaturities of the Marxist materialistic dialectics, its basic principles are scientific and valid.  That is why we say that the Juche philosophy regards materialistic dialectics as its premise.    That the world outlook of the materialistic dialectics is the premise for the Juche philosophy does not mean that the Juche philosophy has merely inherited and developed the materialistic dialectical understanding of the objective material world, you cannot draw the conclusion that man is the master of the world and plays a decisive role in transforming the world simply from the proposition of materialism that the world is made of material and from the dialectical principle that the world ceaselessly changes and develops. Only on the basis of the clarification of man’s essential qualities which distinguish man radically from all the other material beings can man’s outstanding position and role as the master of the world capable of transforming the world be clarified.  Only on the basis of man’s essential qualities as a social being with independence, creativity and consciousness as scientifically clarified by the Juche philosophy has the basic principle that man is the master of the world and plays the decisive role in transforming the world been clarified.    By establishing the Juche outlook on social history, the Juche view of history, on the basis of the man-centered philosophical principle, the Juche philosophy has overcome the limitations of the preceding socio-historical view and effected a radical change in the socio-historical view and standpoint.    Marxist philosophy established socio-historical view of dialectical materialism, historical materialism, through the application of the general law of the development of the material world to social history.  Of course, we do not deny the historic merit of historical materialism.  Historical materialism made an important contribution to defeating the reactionary and unscientific socio-historical view which was based on idealism and metaphysics.  In addition, since man lies in the objective material world and society is inseparably linked with nature, the general law of the development of the material world acts on social phenomena.  However, if you overlook the social movement being governed by its own law and apply the general law of the development of the material world mechanically to social phenomena, you cannot avoid acquiring one-sided understanding of social history.    The social movement changes and develops according to its own law.    The social movement is the movement of man who dominates and transforms the world, man transforms nature to dominate and transform the objective material world.  By transforming nature man creates material wealth and material conditions for his life.    Transforming nature and creating material wealth is the endeavour to satisfy people’s social cooperation.  People transform society to improve and perfect the relations of social cooperation.  It is man who transforms both nature and society. While transforming nature and society, man transforms and develops himself continuously. The domination and transformation of the world by man are realized after all through the transformation of nature, society and himself, and the popular masses are the motive force of this undertaking. The popular masses create all the material and cultural wealth of society and develop social relations.    The social movement, the driving force of which is the popular masses, has characteristics which are different from those of the motion of nature.  In nature motion takes place spontaneously through the interaction of material elements which exist objectively, whereas the social movement is caused and developed by the volitional action and role of the driving force. Therefore, if you apply the principles of materialistic dialectics which explain the general law of the development of the material world mechanically to social history, you cannot clarify correctly the essence of society and the law of social movement.   The major limitation of the materialistic conception of history is that it failed to correctly expound the peculiar law of the social movement and explained the principles of the social movement mainly on the basis of the common character of the motion of nature and the social movement in that both of them are the motion of material.    Marxist materialistic conception of history broke down society into social being and consciousness and attached determining significance to social being; it also broke down the social structure into productive force and production relations, foundation and superstructure, and attached decisive significance to material production and economic relations.  This means an unaltered application of the principle of materialistic dialectics to society, the principle that the world is of material and changes and develops in accordance with the general law of the motion of material.  The world, viewed by the founders of Marxism when applying the general law governing the material world to social history, is an integrity of not only nature but also man and society in that they are material beings.  If you consider man as a part of the world, a material integrity, not as a social being with independence, creativity and consciousness, and apply the general law of the movement of the material world to social history, you cannot avoid seeing the socio-historical movement as a process of the history of nature.    Of course, society, too, changes and develops in accordance with a certain law, not by man’s will.  But the action of law in society is fundamentally different from that of the law of nature. In nature the law works spontaneously regardless of man’s activity, but in society the law works through man’s independent, creative and conscious activities.  Some of the laws of society governs every society in general irrespective of social systems, and some of them governs a particular society.  Because all the social laws work through man’s activity, they may work smoothly or their actions may be restrained or limited depending on man’s activity.    When I say that social laws function through man’s activity, I do not deny the objective character of social laws and possible spontaneity in the social movement.  If a certain socio-economic condition is created, a social law corresponding to it functions inevitably and therefore it assumes an objective character as a natural law does.  Spontaneity in the social movement is due to a relatively low level of man’s independence, creativity and consciousness and to the absence of the social system under which people can display them to the full.  With the growth in man’s independence, creativity and consciousness and with the establishment of the social system which ensures a full display of these qualities, man will work better in keeping with the objective laws and the range of spontaneity will narrow.  Social development is the process of the development of the masses’ independence, creativity and consciousness.  With the growth in these qualities and with the consummation of the social system capable of meeting their requirements, the society will develop more and more through the purposeful and conscious activities of the popular masses.  This means that the law peculiar to the social movement, which changes and develops by the volitional action and role of the driving force, will work on a full scale.    Although the founders of Marxism established the materialistic dialectical concept of social history by applying the general law of the development of the material world to social history, they themselves came across many problems in the practical social movement, problems which could not be resolved only by the general law of the development of the material world.  So they attempted to overcome the one-sidedness of the materialistic dialectical concept of social history by advancing some theories, for example, that although social consciousness emerges as the reflection of the material and economic conditions, it reacts on these conditions and that although politics is defined by the economy, it reacts on the economy.  However, the Marxist materialistic concept of history is, in essence, a view on social history which considers the common character of the motion of nature and the social movement as the main factor.  This theory was unable to avoid the limitation of identifying the process of social development with that of natural history.    The fundamental difference between the Juche philosophy and the preceding philosophy results, in the final analysis, from a different understanding of man.    The Marxist philosophy defined the essence of man as the ensemble of social relations, but it failed to correctly expound the characteristics of man as a social being.  The preceding theory explained the principle of the social movement mainly on the basis of the general law of the development of the material world, because it failed to clarify the essential qualities of social man.  For the first time, the Juche philosophy gave a perfect elucidation of the unique qualities of man as a social being.    As clarified in the documents of our Party, man is a social being with independence, creativity and consciousness and nobody has expressed doubt about it.  However, some social scientists maintain a wrong view in understanding how man became a social being with these qualities. Regarding the question of man’s essential characteristics as the issue of the level of his development as a material being, they still assert that the origin of man; independence, creativity and consciousness should be sought in the diversity of the material components and the complexity of their combination and structure. This is, in fact, a view regarding man’s essential qualities as the extension of natural and biological attributes, as their development and consummation.  When talking about man as an organism, one can consider him in comparison with other organisms, or discuss the characteristics of his biological components and their combination and structure. However, the man who is deliberated by the Juche philosophy is not only a highly developed organism but also lives and works with independence, creativity and consciousness which no other creatures have acquired.  The origin of man’s essential qualities must be sought not in the development of his features common with those of other material beings but in the characteristics unique to him. Man has acquired independence, creativity and consciousness, because he is a social being who forms a social collective and lives and works in a social relationship.  These qualities of man are social attributes which are formed and developed through the socio-historical process of his working in the social relationship.  Of course, these qualities of his would be inconceivable without his highly developed organic body, man can be said to be the highest product of evolution and the most developed material being.  However, if man had not formed a social collective and had not lived and worked in the social relationship, he could not have developed as an independent, creative and conscious being no matter how developed his organic body may be. Without physical life man cannot have social and political integrity.  However, it is not man’s physical life itself that gives birth to his social and political integrity.  Likewise, without his developed organic body his independence, creativity and consciousness would be inconceivable, but his biological characteristics themselves do not produce his social attributes.  Man’s social attributes can take shape and develop only through the process of his emergence and development as a social being, in other words, through the process of the historical development of his social activity and his social relationship.  The history of social development is the history of development of man’s independence, creativity and consciousness.  This means that man’ independence, creativity and consciousness are social attributes which are formed and developed socially and historically.  Therefore, the philosophical consideration of man must start from the fact that man is a social being.    Nevertheless, some of our social scientists argue about the material components and their combination and structure, and relate them to man’s essential qualities, preaching that the biological factors constitute the major content of the Juche philosophy.  Their argument is a deviation that explains the Juche philosophy within the framework of Marxist dialectical materialism.  It is only an attempt to justify the wrong evolutionary view which regards man’s essential qualities as the development and consummation of biological attributes.    Regarding man’s essential qualities, it is important to have a correct understanding of the social being.  The founders of Marxism, while raising the question of man’s essence in social relationship, used the phrase social being as a concept meaning the material conditions and economic relations of social life which exist objectively and are reflected on social consciousness.  Since they regarded man as a component of productive forces, as the ensemble of social relations, the phrase social being they used implied man as well.  However, they did not use it as one having the particular meaning that defines man’s essential qualities.    Systematizing the Juche philosophy, we used the term social being as one having the particular meaning that defines man’s essential qualities.  In the theory of the Juche philosophy man is the only social being in the world.  Some social scientists, however, still insist that social wealth and social relations should also be included in the social being, obscuring the difference between man and social wealth and social relations.  Social wealth and social relations are created and developed by man.  Therefore, they cannot be included together in the concept that defines man’s essential qualities.  When referring to the Marxist philosophy, the phrase social being can, of course, be used as the founders of Marxism meant.  But, if we understand the term social being in its conventional meaning when referring to the Juche philosophy, it will result in obscuring their understanding of man’s essential qualities.  The Juche philosophy is a new philosophy which has its own system and content, so its categories must not be understood in the conventional meaning.    One of the main reasons why these social scientists have committed a deviation in explaining and propagating the Juche philosophy is that they have not studied philosophical problems from the point of view of the requirement of revolutionary practice.    Theory must be based on practice and serve practice.  A theory divorced from practice cannot correctly elucidate truth and is of no use.    The great leader Comrade Kim Il Sung always studied philosophical problems proceeding from the demand of revolutionary practice and evolved the Juche philosophy in the course of giving scientific answers to urgent ideological and theoretical problems arising in revolutionary practice. Our Party has generalized the rich and profound experiences of revolutionary practice, systematized the Juche philosophy in a comprehensive way and developed it in depth.    Revolutionary practice is a struggle to realize independence for the popular masses and it is the masses who carry out the struggle.     Therefore, it is important in the study of philosophy to reflect the demands and aspirations of the popular masses correctly, evolve the theory by generalizing their experiences of struggle and make it the theory of the popular masses themselves.  In the exploitative society the reactionary ruling class makes use of philosophy for defending and rationalizing their reactionary ruling system, trying to make it the monopoly of the philosophers who act as spokesmen in their interests.  They consider the popular masses to be ignorant people who have nothing to do with philosophy.    With a viewpoint and attitude that the popular masses are the masters of everything and the wisest people, our Party has evolved the Juche philosophy by reflecting their demand and aspirations and generalizing their struggle experiences, further developed it in depth and made it their weapon of struggle.  This is the reason why the Juche philosophy is an absolute truth which meets the people’s desire for and aspirations to independence and a popular philosophy which the masses easily understand and regard as their own weapon of struggle.    However, some of the social scientists are arguing about the questions which are of little practical significance in illuminating the road of shaping the destiny of the popular masses.  We study philosophy essentially for the purpose of clarifying the principles and methodology by which to develop the society and shape the destiny of the popular masses.  The development of society is guided by politics and it is none other than the Juche philosophy which clarifies the basic principles of politics which lead social development in the most straight way.  In this sense, the Juche philosophy can be called a political philosophy.    Some social scientists say that they have explained the Juche philosophy as a philosophy which developed the dialectical materialism of Marxism in order to present the Juche idea to suit the characteristic of the external world.  We must give a clear understanding of the Juche philosophy as a new revolutionary philosophy, not as a mere development of the preceding philosophy.  It is a mistake to explain the Juche philosophy within the framework of the preceding philosophy on the grounds that it is presented to suit the characteristic of the external world or to disseminate the Juche philosophy with ideas which do not accord with the fundamental principle of the Juche philosophy.  Moreover, why should we argue about questions which are of no political importance and hardly of any theoretical practical significance, shutting eyes to the demand of reality in the international arena, when internationally we have many theoretical and practical questions which urgently await correct answers to  be given on the basis of the principles of the Juche philosophy?  In presenting the Juche idea to the external world, we must explain correctly in relation to actual problems that the Juche philosophy is thoroughly an original philosophy and a new revolutionary philosophy. We must get rid of such a deviation not only in external dissemination but also in the research, study and education on the Juche philosophy.    The Juche philosophy is a revolutionary philosophy and political philosophy of our Party which illuminates the philosophical basis of the Juche idea and fundamental principles of the revolution. How to approach the Juche philosophy does not merely concern philosophical theories, but is related to the viewpoint and attitude towards the Party’s ideology.  We must accept the Party’s ideology as the absolute truth, defend it resolutely and keep it as a revolutionary conviction, and thus understand, interpret and propagate the Juche philosophy correctly.    We must feel a great pride and confidence in having such a great political philosophy as the Juche philosophy, deeply understand its principles and apply them fully to the practical activities of the revolution and construction.  We must analyse and judge all the social phenomena thoroughly on the basis of the principles of the Juche philosophy and dynamically accelerate the revolution and construction by uniting the popular masses solidly around the Party and enhancing the role of the motive force as the Juche philosophy requires.    Our scientists and people must study and follow the Juche philosophy, but they must also know the philosophical ideas of Marxism-Leninism.  The social scientists in particular must be well acquainted with the preceding philosophy, it is important to distinguish limitations and immaturity of the preceding philosophy along with its merits.    In addition, we must strictly guard against all heterogeneous trends of philosophy which are contrary to the Juche philosophy and ensure the purity of the Juche philosophy.  The Juche philosophy is the most advantageous and viable philosophy which reflects the demand of the revolutionary practice and the truthfulness and validity of which have been proved by revolutionary practice.  The fact that the Juche philosophy is attracting more attention on the international arena and the followers of the Juche idea are increasing in number clearly demonstrates that the Juche philosophy gives absolutely correct answers to the questions of revolutionary practice.  Our social scientists must have an unshakable conviction of the scientific accuracy, truthfulness, originality and superiority of the Juche philosophy and analyse and judge all the philosophical theories with the Juche philosophy as a guideline, thus preventing infiltration of any heterogeneous trend of philosophy into the Juche philosophy.    All the social scientists must study the Juche philosophy in depth and breadth and propagate it in line with the Party’s intention and, by doing so, exalt its greatness and further increase its attraction.